Feriduddin Attar's Musibet-Nâme supplication in presence of God's indifference towards good or evil ...

And if I placed a world of obedience at Your feet,
Why would You need it, being content with Yourself ?
And if I bore witness to a world full of sins,
What would You do with it, being so rich ?
Because good comes from You without reason,
No misfortune will fall those who speak ill of You.
As all that You do is without reason,
Have mercy without reason, O ruler of worlds.
Though unbelief and sin weigh heavily on me,
A word of Your forgiveness, and I will be free.
If you can give me but an atom of joy,
Then do it, do You not always give without reason ?

الكابالا جذورها في صفد ...

الكابالا جذورها في صفد: أبواب زرقاء ومياه بقدرات شافية 
نجوم هوليووديون من أتباعها ومئات الآلاف على خطى حكمائها

http://www.annahar.com/article.php?t=beea&p=2&d=24917&dt=2012-11-21

دع جمال الوجه يظهر ... من شعر الإمام عبد الغني النابلسي ... من تراث الحضرة الشاذلية ...

دع  جمال  الوجه     يظهرْ        لا   تغطي   يا      حبيبي

طول  ليلي   فيك     أسهرْ        زاد    شوقي      ونحيبي

هكذا    المحبوب       يقهرْ        بالجفا    قلب       الكئيبِ

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهرْ        حلية    الحسن      المهيبِ

كان   قلبي   عنه     غافلْ        وهو    لا    يغفل      عني

فانثنى    يختال       رافلْ        بثياب     النفس       مني

فأنا      للحق        مظهر        بين    أهلي       كالغريب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

يا   مسمى      بالإسامي        كلها      وهو         المنزه

أنت  في  الكل     مرامي        فيك      عيني        تتنزه

ساطع    الطلعة      أزهر        في     شروق       ومغيب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

هب  لراعي  الدير    يفتح        نوره   الشعشاع     باهي

فاسمع    النغمة      ترتح        واغتنم   صوت     الملاهي

وقتنا      نقرة        مزهر        وغناء               العندليب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

يا  سقاة   الراح     قوموا        طلع      الفجر        علينا

عن سوى الخمرة صوموا        أين    من    يفهم      أينا

كأسها    أبهى       وأبهر        عندنا   من   نفح      طيب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

خمرنا    خمر      المعاني        عتقت   من    قبل      آدم

ولها     نحن       القناني        من   زمان    قد      تقادم

من  يذق   بالسر     يجهر        بين       ناء          وقريب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

أدخُلِ  الحاناتِ    واشطَحْ        وانثني   سكراً      وعربِدْ

واشربْ  الكاسَ     المطفَّحْ        نلتَ       ملكاً         متأبِّدْ

إنه    الصرف       المطهر        عن      قبيح        ومعيب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

لمعت     أنوار        سلمى        لك  من   خلف     الستاير

لا   يكن   طرفك     أعمى        عن    تناويع       الأشاير

إن   أمر   الحق      أظهر        عند     غير       المستريب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

صل      يارب        وسلم        لي   على   المختار     طه

من    له     كنت       تكلم        ليلة    الإسرا       شفاها

فضله   لا   زال      يشهر        بين        غر          ولبيب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

وعلى      آل         النبي        وعلى    كل       الصحابه

ما   أتى    عبد      الغني        بالقوافي         المستطابه

ولذات     الخدر       أمهر        ما   حواه   من      نصيب

كل  شيء   عقد     جوهر        حلية    الحسن      المهيب

دموع جبرائيل و ميكائيل بعد طرد إبليس

وذكر الشيخ شعيب الحريفيش في كتابه ( الروض الفائق ) ( ص : ١٠ ) :
قال : وعن محمد بن نعيم قال : قال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وآله وسلم : 
" ما جاءني جبرائيل إلاّ وهو يرتعد خوفاً من الجبّار ،
ولمّا ظهر على إبليس ما ظهر من المخالفة والطرد ؛ بعد القرب والحظوة والعبادة ؛ 
طفق جبرائيل وميكائيل يبكيان ؛
فأوحى الله تعالى إليهما ما لكما تبكيان هذا البكاء ؟
وإني لا أظلم أحداً !
قالا : يا ربّنا ! إنّا لا نأمن مكرك !!
يعني : قضاءك وحكمك بالبعد بعد القرب ،
وبالشقاء بعد السعادة !!
فقال الله تعالى لهما : 
" هكذا كونا ؛ 
لا تأمنا مكري " !!!

Winnie the Pooh must choose better friends than Piglet

No press censorship since 1995, except for bikinis and pretend pigs...

For those even faintly familiar with the tenets of Islam, it's common knowledge that Muslims not only refrain from eating pork, swine themselves are considered to be theologically unclean and deservedly shunned.

Yet what many tout as a model progressive Muslim nation, the oil rich Persian Gulf nation of Qatar has just banned Winnie the Pooh's beloved character, Piglet.

As reported by The Washington Times;

"Emir Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani officially abolished press censorship in 1995, but the government is still blacking out imagery deemed offensive to Islam, such as certain body parts of bikini-wearing models, and the Piglet character, who portrays an animal the Muslim religion says is unclean."

Per his official title: His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar took the reins of power in 1995.

While his father was on a visit to Switzerland, the current Emir led a bloodless palace coup, thusly unseating his father from the throne.

Many consider the Emir a forward thinker amongst world's various Muslim monarchs based on little more than he is a graduate of England's Sandhurst Military Academy, and also that his second wife Sheikha Mozah bint Nasser Al Missned has been a visible advocate for education and various children's causes.

But Piglet shouldn't be lonely on the cutting room floor...

The Washington Times is also reporting that the make-believe porker isn't the only one to feel the Emir's axe.

Scantily clad models featured in the Italian women's magazine Grazia have also been banned from the Gulf nation.


الرئيس المؤمن حيكفر الشعب ...

يا اخ يا رئيس يا مؤمن.. لو حتخرج تصلي كده يبقى صلي في بيتكوا وثوابك حيبقى اكبر ان شاء الله وفي رقبتي انا شخصيا.. يوم القيامة حاقول انا اللي شورت عليه الشورة دي.. فليسعك بيتك مدام كل ما حتخرج حتعمل لنا دبكة وعطلة وترهبنا بالامن المركزي كأنك نازل تحرر فلسطين واحنا الاسرائيليين 
صلي في البيت صلي في البيت صلي في البيت وفي رقبتي انا قدام ربنا

ولا حتى ما تصليش خالص

حتعمل ايه بالصلاة لما اسعاف تتعطل ويموت فيها مريض زي ما حصل ما مبارك قبل كده؟ 
حتعمل ايه بالصلاة لما تلقي الرعب في قلوب المصلين بجيش الامن المركزي اللي انت نازل بيه ده؟ انت ما تعرفش ان شكلهم لوحده ممكن يروع الناس ومن روع مؤمنا روعه الله يوم القيامة؟
حتعمل ايه بالصلاة لما انت تنزل تصلي بالهلولة دي وعشان حضرتك بتصلي واحد تاني مواطن مسكين، مالوش الا ربنا فعلا، لا له جماعة ولا رئاسة ولا امن مركزي، ونازل يصلي عشان عايز يقابل ربنا فعلا مش عايز يستعرض قدامنا انه بيصلي، تروح عليه الصلاة في الجامع ويضطر يصليها في بيتهم ولا في الطريق ولا ما يعرفش يروح ولا يرجع وتروح عليه خالص؟
يا عم اعمل جامع في جنينة القصر الجمهوري وخد الحرس يصلوا معاك على الضيق كده بدل البوليكة اللي بتعملها على كل فرض، ولما تبقى تسافر المحافظات زي كده ابقى صلي في استراحة الرئاسة وجماعة انشالله بمراتك وعيالك الاتنين اللي بيتخانقوا مع ظباط الشرطة ويضربوهم عشان بيسألوهم عن البطاقة، حتخلونا نتعاطف مع الشرطة كمان؟ هو ايه ياختي ده؟ احنا عمرنا ما مر علينا رئيس كل ما يتوضى يبقى خبر عاجل كل ما يصلي يبقى مانشيت... شكرا عرفنا انك مؤمن.. ما تبسطهاش اكتر من كده
مبارك كانت كل الناس بتدعي عليه.. بس اكتر دعوات كان بياخدها بسبب التشريفات ولما واحد مات في الاسعاف بسببه سواق تاكسي قالي: الراجل ده مش حيكمل السنة دي.. ربنا ما يرضاش بكده.. وفعلا.. صدق سواق التاكسي
يا حاج مرسي: وسكنتم في مساكن الذين ظلموا أنفسهم وتبين لكم كيف فعلنا بهم وضربنا لكم الأمثال، وقد مكروا مكرهم، وعند الله مكرهم، وإن كان مكرهم لتزول منه الجبال
الله الله الله.. حلوووووووووووووةةةة.. حلوة قوي، بتخش في النخاشيش بتاعة الجلد كده.. هو فيه نخاشيش في الجلد؟ ما اعرفش.. بس هي بتخش وتتشرب كده كأنك داهن فيكس او ابو فاس.. بتعمل حاجات الاية دي
فأنت يا حاج مرسي مكرك انت والجماعة مكر خايب ونايب وفاشل مش زي مكر مبارك، يعني لا تزول منه الجبال ولا حتى الناموسة.. خليك ماشي بستر الله بلاش تتغر
اتق ربنا أمرسي.. اتق ربنا.. انت خارج تصلي ولا ترازي الناس وتخليهم يدعوا عليك.. ما هو الناس يا اما حيدعوا عليك يا اما حيكفروا
انا لحد دلوقت اعرف 5 بنات قلعوا الحجاب بس بسبب الاخوان والسلفيين.. حتقابلوا ربنا بالناس دي ازاي؟ والبنات مش عايزين يتحنتفوا ولا حاجة، ده واحدة منهم تقريبا ما بتتسرحش ولامة شعرها كحكة.. بس مش عايزة تبقى شبهكوا في حاجة
ما هو يا تحلوا عن الاسلام يا تحلوا عنا... ويا ريت تحلوا عن الاتنين نبقى شاكرين جدا

Dissecting IDF propaganda: The numbers behind the rocket attacks

Dissecting IDF propaganda: The numbers behind the rocket attacks

by Phan Nguyen, mondoweiss.net
November 17th 2012

In this brief study, I examine the many numbers cited by the Israeli military relating to Gaza rocket attacks into Israel.

To begin, Israeli spokespeople frequently remind the world that a million Israeli citizens are within range of Gaza rockets, twelve thousand of which have been fired into Israel in the last twelve years, inflicting thousands of injuries and several dead.

However, we are rarely told exactly how many people have been killed by these rocket attacks.

Counting the dead

Below is a list of all the fatalities of rocket and mortar attacks fired from the Gaza Strip into Israel in the entire history of these attacks. Throughout the years of rocket attacks into Israel, a total of 26 people have been killed altogether.

Fatalities from rocket and mortar attacks in Israel from the Gaza Strip

Date of attack Name Age Location Weapon
2004.06.28 Mordechai Yosephov 49 Sderot Qassam
2004.06.28 Afik Ohion Zehavi 4 Sderot Qassam
2004.09.29 Yuval Abebeh 4 Sderot Qassam
2004.09.29 Dorit (Masarat) Benisian 2 Sderot Qassam
2005.01.15 Ayala-Haya Abukasis 17 Sderot Qassam
2005.07.15 Dana Gelkowitz 22 Moshav Nativ Ha‘asara Qassam
2006.03.28 Salam Ziadin*  ? Nahal Oz Qassam
2006.03.28 Khalid Ziadin* 16 Nahal Oz Qassam
2006.11.15 Faina Slutzker 57 Sderot Qassam
2006.11.21 Yaakov Yaakobov 43 Sderot Qassam
2007.05.21 Shirel Friedman 32 Sderot Qassam
2007.05.27 Oshri Oz 36 Sderot Qassam
2008.02.27 Roni Yihye 47 Sderot Qassam
2008.05.09 Jimmy Kedoshim 48 Kibbutz Kfar Aza mortar
2008.05.12 Shuli Katz 70 Moshav Yesha Qassam
2008.06.05 Amnon Rosenberg 51 Kibbutz Nir-Oz mortar
2008.12.27 Beber Vaknin 58 Netivot Qassam
2008.12.29 Lutfi Nasraladin* 38 IDF base near Nahal Oz mortar
2008.12.29 Irit Sheetrit 39 Ashdod Grad
2008.12.29 Hani al Mahdi* 27 Ashkelon Grad
2010.03.18 Manee Singueanphon* 30 Moshav Nativ Ha‘asara Qassam
2011.08.20 Yossi Shushan 38 Be’er sheva Grad
2011.10.29 Moshe Ami 56 Ashkelon Grad
2012.11.15 Yitzchak Amsalem 24 Kiryat Malachi rocket
2012.11.15 Mira Sharf 25 Kiryat Malachi rocket
2012.11.15 Aharon Smadja 49 Kiryat Malachi rocket
Total fatalities in the history of rocket and mortar attacks
from Gaza into Israel: 26
Operation Cast Lead: December 27, 2008–January 18, 2009
Operation Pillar of Cloud: November 14, 2012–

(Refer to the bottom of the page for notes and sources.)

The shaded rows in the table refer to fatalities sustained during Operation Cast Lead (December 27, 2008–January 18, 2009) and Operation Pillar of Cloud (November 14, 2012–).

Note that of the 26 fatalities from rocket and mortar attacks, more than one out of every four deaths occurred during these two operations, which were ostensibly designed to deter rocket attacks.

For the entire duration of the 2008 Hamas–Israel cease-fire—even after Israel had broken the cease-fire on Nov. 4—not a single person was killed by rocket or mortar fire into Israel. Yet approximately two hours after Israel’s commencement of Operation Cast Lead, one person in Israel was struck and killed by shrapnel from a Qassam rocket. Two days later, three more people were killed in Israel from Gaza rocket and mortar attacks.

And for an entire year before Operation Pillar of Cloud, not a single Israeli was killed by rocket or mortar. Yet approximately sixteen hours after Pillar of Cloud commenced, a rocket from Gaza killed three Israelis.

It was during both military operations that Israel endured the highest number of fatalities from Gaza rockets and mortars in the shortest time spans.

The data is too scant to a draw a more definite conclusion (and it is scant because fatalities are so rare), but one can suspect a pattern:

Rocket fatalities are more likely to happen during major Israel “anti-rocket” operations. Note that I say that fatalities are more likely to happen, rather than fatalities increase. Because fatalities are so rare, when they do happen in a burst, they appear more as instigations rather than incidental progressions.

This disputes the clichéd notion that rocket attacks are “designed to maximize civilian casualties.” Indeed, with such a low fatality rate and with the characteristic imprecision of the weapons, they cannot be expected to inflict a fatality most of the time.

At the same time, armed groups in Gaza are capable of increasing the likelihood of fatalities when prompted.

A verrry slow genocide

If we borrow the IDF’s claim that more than 12,000 rockets have been fired into Israel in the last twelve years (which I dispute later), we get a kill rate of less than 0.217%. Thus in order to secure a single kill, we should expect to fire about 500 rockets. However, if the goal is to specifically kill Jews rather than foreign workers and Palestinian laborers, then it gets harder. Only 21 Jews have been killed by this method, bringing the kill rate down to 0.175%.

If this sounds disturbing or even anti-Semitic, note that I am just testing the argument of the current Israeli ambassador Michael Oren, who, during Operation Cast Lead, co-wrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal claiming that the Gaza rockets and mortars were “more than a crude attempt to kill and terrorize civilians—they were expressions of a genocidal intent.”

Yet the statistics demonstrate that it is much less than a “crude attempt to kill.” One can imagine easier ways to kill a random person than to manufacture and fire 500+ homemade rockets.

As for genocide, at the going kill rate, it would require 4,477,714,286 rockets and mortars, and 4,477,714 years to kill all the Jews in Israel. This is assuming that Israel’s Jewish population does not increase. And of course we would need to factor in the limited range of the projectiles, which would require Israel’s non-growing Jewish population to all congregate in the western Negev by the year 4479726 CE, give or take a few years.

But by then, all of Israel’s Jewish population will have already been exterminated by the country’s other violent killer, automotive accidents.

It makes more sense, then, to suppose that there are political rationales for the firing of rockets and mortars.

The IDF’s mysterious deaths

Now that we’ve established that a total of twenty-six people have been killed by high-trajectory weapons from Gaza into Israel, let’s look at some of the numbers that the Israeli military has been peddling.

In keeping up with its social media focus, IDF 2.0 has been distributing infographics through Facebook, Twitter, and an official blog, encouraging subscribers to share the images. One recent infographic makes the following claims about the number of Israeli casualties from rocket attacks:

First, let’s compare the IDF’s fatalities numbers to the numbers that I’ve established:

Number of rocket/mortar fatalities by year, 2006–2011

For every year listed, the IDF’s rocket fatalities number is higher than what has been established. Could it be due to different interpretations of the figures? We can try to find out by examining the fatalities for each year:

2006
In 2006, at the tail end of the second intifada, there were several Israeli fatalities, including a suicide bombing in Tel Aviv, another suicide bombing in the West Bank, several shootings of soldiers and settlers in the West Bank,  two soldiers killed by sniper fire in separate incidents in the Gaza Strip, and the capture of Gilad Shalit in a Hamas/PRC operation that left two other soldiers dead. However, there were only two people who were killed in Israel by rocket strikes. Another two, a Bedouin father and son, were killed while attempting to move an unexploded Qassam rocket for salvaging. Their deaths are not listed in the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs page as deaths by Palestinian attacks. Nevertheless, I included them in my listing, making four deaths by rockets in 2006.

For 2006, it is unknown how the IDF transformed four rocket fatalities into nine.

2007
In 2007, two Qassam rockets killed two people in Sderot. There was one other incident in Israel that produced fatalities—a suicide bombing that killed three people in a bakery in Eilat. Beyond that, four soldiers were killed by gunfire in the West Bank, one settler was gunned down in a drive-by, another settler was stabbed to death by unknown assailants, and three soldiers were killed in separate gunfights in the Gaza Strip. Altogether, sixteen were killed, only two of whom were by rockets—not ten, as asserted by the IDF. The IDF’s claim is also contradicted by Shin Bet (the Israeli Security Agency), which reported that in 2007, “rocket fire killed two Israeli civilians.”

For 2007, it is unknown how the IDF transformed two fatalities into ten.

2008
In 2008, eight people were killed by rockets and mortars from Gaza. Four were killed in the first half of the year prior to the “tahdiya” ceasefire. As soon as Israel launched Operation Cast Lead, four more people were killed by Gaza rockets and mortars. Yet the IDF graphic claims 15 fatalities. Again, this claim is contradicted by the Shin Bet, which reported that in 2008,

8 people (4 during the final days of December) were killed by high-trajectory fire (rockets and mortars) from the Gaza Strip.

For 2008, it is unknown how the IDF transformed eight fatalities into fifteen.

2009
In 2009, there was one conflict-related civilian death in Israel by Palestinians: A Jewish Israeli taxi driver was strangled to death by three Palestinians as revenge for the IDF killing of a relative. Outside of that, a 16-year old boy in the Bat Ayin settlement was killed by a lone Palestinian with an axe, two police officers were shot to death in the Jordan Valley, a settler near Nablus was shot in a drive-by, and a soldier was killed by an explosive detonation on the Gaza border. No one in Israel was killed by rocket or mortar from Gaza, even though the IDF claims two.

This is corroborated by the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center (ITIC), which stated that

In the two years since Operation Cast Lead there has been a significant decrease in the number of Israelis killed and wounded by terrorist organizations operating in the Gaza Strip. There have been five deaths, one civilian (a worker from Thailand) killed by a rocket attack [which was in 2010] and four IDF soldiers killed during counterterrorism activities.

At the start of 2009, during Cast Lead, nine IDF soldiers were killed in the Gaza Strip, four of which were by friendly fire. Of the remaining five, one was killed by a mortar round while the other was killed by an anti-tank missile.

For 2009, there were no deaths in Israel from Gaza rockets or mortars.  The only way to claim two fatalities would be to include the deaths of two soldiers engaged in a military invasion inside the Gaza Strip, which would be misleading for the message being conveyed by the infographic.

2010
The IDF inexplicably attributes five deaths in 2010 to Hamas rockets and mortars. There were either nine or eleven Israeli fatalities relating to the Palestine/Israel conflict in that year, depending on the interpretation: the Shin Bet says there were nine fatalities relating to the conflict, while the Ministry of Foreign Affairs records eleven. Of the eleven fatalities listed by the MFA, two were committed by a Palestinian criminal gang (one strangulation and one stabbing), one was a knifing of an IDF soldier in the West Bank, four settlers were killed by gunfire in their car on a segregated road near Hebron, two soldiers entered the Gaza Strip and were killed in a shootout with Palestinian gunmen, and one police officer was shot to death just south of Hebron. Only one fatality was due to a Qassam rocket.

For 2010, it is unknown how the IDF transformed one fatality into five.

2011
In 2011, there were only two rocket fatalities. The third fatality could be attributed to the April 7, 2011 killing of Daniel Vlific by an anti-tank missile. I explain in the note below why his death is generally not considered a high-trajectory rocket/mortar fatality. However, in this case, the IDF graphic does depict anti-tank missiles as part of the “Hamas Rocket Threat,” so the count of three fatalities can be considered correct. (Note, however, that in another IDF graphic, also entited “Hamas Rocket Threat,” anti-tank missiles are not included, as their limited ranges would undermine the intended message of a far-reaching threat.)

Thus, for 2011, the IDF number is correct if we include an anti-tank missile strike on April 7.

Conclusion
In the infographic, all of the IDF’s fatality numbers are exaggerated, with the exception of the fatality number for 2011.

Wounded by “shock

The same IDF infographic lists the number of people injured by rocket/mortar attacks. Thus we learn, for example, that in 2008, 611 people were injured by rocket and mortar attacks:

For obvious reasons, counting the injured requires more subjective assessment than counting the dead. And when it comes to Gazan rockets and mortars, Israeli authorities push the limits of subjectivity.

Gaza rockets have produced so few casualties that in the absence of deaths and serious injuries, Israeli authorities have resorted to detailing how many people were “treated for shock,” which the press has duly noted over the years.

Thus we are treated to shocking reports such as this Nov. 12 Haaretz article, concerning a rocket that landed on the yard of a house in Netivot:

The hit on Netivot left no casualties, but 20 people were treated for shock after the incident. [My emphases here and below]

And here’s the Jerusalem Post on Nov. 15:

MDA [Israeli emergency medical responders] on Wednesday treated a total of 16 people for injury or shock after a bevy of rockets fired from the Gaza Strip struck Israeli territory.

Injury or shock? How many of the 16 were physically injured?

According to MDA, two people were lightly injured in Beersheba, one from shattered glass and the other from falling down the stairs. Fourteen more were treated for shock as well, 12 in Beersheba and two in Sderot.

Though Haaretz may make a distinction between “casualties” and those treated for shock (which confirms that we are talking about acute stress response, rather than, say, hypovolemic or cardiogenic shock), not everybody does so.

The Shin Bet, for instance, claims that rocket attacks in 2007 “lightly injured more than 300 persons, most of whom suffered shock.”

The following year, the Shin Bet reported that out of the supposedly 630 Israelis wounded in “terror attacks” in 2008,

The majority of the wounded in 2008 (about 400 people) were wounded by high-trajectory fire from the Gaza Strip. This data includes victims of shock as a result of high-trajectory fire.

Shin Bet numbers on injuries aren’t available for every year, so let’s just compare the 2007 and 2008 rocket injuries number with the IDF’s:

Number of injuries from Gaza rocket and mortar attacks into Israel

How did the IDF come up with more than 200 injuries than the Shin Bet for each year? And are the Shin Bet figures subsets of the IDF figures (meaning the IDF also included hundreds of victims of “shock”), or are they different (meaning the IDF actually found much more than 200 additional injuries per year)?

Regardless, there seems to be some very loose playing with the numbers. Oh, but it gets looser...

Number of rockets and mortars fired into Israel from Gaza

For its latest invasion of Gaza, Israel unveiled a cool new feature that rivals all your iPad apps: the Rocket Counter widget. Now you never have to guess how many rockets have hit Israel. You only have to wonder why the numbers are so damn inconsistent:


According to the IDF Rocket Counter widget, some time between Nov. 15, 2012 (left) and Nov. 16, 2012 (right), Gaza militant groups fired 24 rockets out of the year 2011.

The screenshot on the left shows the widget display on Thursday, November 15. The screenshot on the right shows the widget display a day later. On Thursday, the widget explained that there were 651 rockets that hit Israel in 2011. On Friday, the number changed to 627, despite the fact that the year 2011 is too recent to have made a comeback.

Moreover, supposedly 122 rockets had hit Israel between the time of the screenshots on Thursday and Friday (396–274=122). It would follow, then, that the full 2012 figure of 822 would also increase by 122, giving us a total of 944. Instead it jumped to 1,197, an increase of 375 (1197–822=375). What accounts for the 253-rocket surplus in 2012 and the 24-rocket deficit in 2011?

Part of the explanation may lie in another chart that the IDF has been peddling. The bar chart below, taken from the IDF blog, purports to show the number of rockets fired into Israel from the Gaza Strip.

The Rocker Counter widget appeared on the same blog page, and on Thursday, it seemed peculiar that two IDF graphics on a single page gave contradictory reports on how many rockets were fired in 2011. Eventually the widget was perhaps adjusted to conform to the bar chart.

However, it still does not explain why the other widget numbers do not add up. Nor does it explain where the 651 figure came from.

To make matters even more complicated, the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has long promoted the figures collected by the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center (ITIC).

Below is a comparison of the number of Gaza rocket and mortar attacks into Israel, accoording to both the IDF and the ITIC.

Number of rocket and mortar attacks from Gaza,
by year, as reported by the IDF and the ITIC

Note the wide discrepency for almost every year, with the IDF numbers being significantly higher than the ITIC numbers. We can add to the embarrassment by referring to a page about “The Hamas Terror War Against Israel” on the website of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which reproduces both the IDF bar chart and rocket numbers as reported by ITIC—contradictory information, presented together in a single page by the Israeli government, in order to explain “The Hamas Terror War Against Israel.”

And then consider a quote by the Israeli ambassador to the US, Michael Oren, in an interview conducted on November 14:

This government has exhibited superhuman restraint: 2,500 rockets since 2009. Last month, 800 rockets. In the last week, 300 rockets. What government in the world wouldn’t have responded with war a long time ago?

No other Israeli agency claims that 800 rockets were fired in October 2012. Shin Bet claims 171 rockets and mortars were fired from Gaza in October.

Conclusion

It can be argued that numbers ultimately don’t matter: One death is a death too many; one rocket is a rocket too many. But if that is the case, why do the IDF and related Israeli agencies need to inflate or fabricate numbers? Why has the numbers game been the cornerstone of Israeli rhetoric about rockets, as depicted in these other recent IDF graphics:

One of the most cynical uses of numbers is in this tweet by IDF spokesperson Maj. Peter Lerner:

Perhaps inadvertently hinting at the causality (422 Gaza rockets fired since the start of Operation Pillar of Cloud), Lerner offers a circular argument, suggesting that the IDF military operation in Gaza is a justifiable response to the Gazan response to the operation itself. Operation Pillar of Cloud is necessary to prevent actions—which are a response to the operation—from ever happening. And the fact that it has since happened, justifies having made it happen, to prevent it from happening again.

The same reasoning applies to this new IDF graphic:

After a full year of no Israelis being killed by rocket fire from Gaza, Israel had to invade Gaza, prompting the new killing of three Israeli civilians, which provides retroactive justification for the prompting itself.

Still, this is part of the story. As much as the IDF loves to play with numbers, there are certain numbers that it avoids, such as the numbers behind the artillery fire leveled against Gaza, which rivals the number of rocket attacks from Gaza.

That will be treated in a future post.


Notes on the rocket and mortar fatalities table

Sources include, but are not limited to, the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, the Israel Project, the Jerusaelm Post, B’Tselem, and numerous press articles. I made a point of referring to official Israeli and pro-Israeli sources, and then cross-checking them with one another. Some ages and spellings of names vary in press reports.

* Five of the 26 fatalities were non-Jewish: Salam Ziadin, Khalid Ziadin, and Hani al Mahdi were Bedouin; Lutfi Nasraladin was Druze; Manee Singueanphon was a Thai national.

The only non-civilian fatality in Israel, Sgt.-Major Lutfi Nasraladin was killed in a mortar attack on an IDF military base.

Salam and Khalid Ziadin were killed while handling an unexploded Qassam rocket for salvaging. The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not include the Ziadins in its list of “Victims of Palestinian Violence and Terrorism.”

This list does not include:

1. Palestinians killed by rocket or mortar misfire in the Gaza Strip.

2. People killed by Gaza rockets and mortars targeted inside the Gaza Strip. Prior to the so-called Gaza “disengagement,” illegal Israeli settlements within Gaza were targeted by rockets and mortars. They were not aimed inside Israel, and none of the rocket counts that I describe in this article include rockets and mortars that were aimed inside the Gaza Strip. They also do not form part of the rhetoric that rockets and mortars from Gaza constitute an “existential threat” to Israel.

In Gaza settlements and the Erez Industrial Zone, rocket and mortar attacks inflicted eight civilian fatalities: three Israeli Jews, three foreign laborers from Thailand and China, and two Palestinian laborers from Khan Younis.

Additionally there were two IDF fatalities in Gaza settlements, including a soldier killed while on his way to guard duty in Kfar Darom and a soldier killed at an IDF outpost in the Morag settlement.

All other rocket and mortar fatalities within Gaza were directed against IDF soldiers engaged in military operations outside of settlements.

3. One fatality in Israel by anti-tank missile. The rockets-and-mortars rhetoric refers to high-trajectory ordnances deployed with the following qualities: indirect fire, which coupled with a high inaccuracy rate results in nondiscriminatory targeting; a wide range that encompasses significant portions of southern Israel; and a high deployment frequency.

Anti-tank missiles are direct-fire ordnances with a more limited range and have been used infrequently against civilian targets by Gazan armed groups. There has been one civilian fatality from an anti-tank missile fired from the Gaza Strip into Israel (Daniel Viflic, age 16, killed on April 7, 2011, near Kibbutz Sa‘ad, by an anti-tank missile that struck the bus he was riding in). B’Tselem does not include this instance in its count of rocket and mortar fatalities.

Original Page: http://mondoweiss.net/2012/11/dissecting-idf-propaganda-the-numbers-behind-the-rocket-attacks.html

Chief Moro negotiator sheds tears for peace

Chief Moro negotiator sheds tears for peace

1:34 am | Thursday, October 11th, 2012 Posted by -->

Mohagher Iqbal

After fighting for the independence of the Bangsamoro for 40 years, Mohagher Iqbal shed tears.

That moment was not captured on camera but forever etched in the memory of lead government peace negotiator Marvic Leonen, who made the disclosure during a briefing on the preliminary peace agreement for Inquirer editors and reporters on Tuesday.

Iqbal, chairman of the peace panel of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), is Leonen’s counterpart in the peace talks brokered by Malaysia.

Both panels were in Kuala Lumpur on Sunday when President Benigno Aquino, in a nationally televised announcement attended by his entire Cabinet, announced the approval of the “framework agreement” that would lead to the creation of a new autonomous region in Mindanao that would be home to the Bangsamoro.

While the President was addressing the nation, “Iqbal was in tears,” Leonen said.

“His two companions were struggling not to show” [their emotion], Leonen said.

But the two MILF negotiators were also fighting back tears.

When the President finished speaking, Iqbal stood up without being prodded and applauded, Leonen said.

Leonen said the President was given a standing ovation by all members of both panels gathered at Palace of the Golden Horses Hotel in Kuala Lumpur.

Leonen said he was somehow taken aback by the display of raw emotion by a battle-scarred “revolutionary” who seemed to have never lost faith in the search for peaceful means to end the decades-old conflict in Mindanao.

Iqbal has seen it all, negotiating with a succession of nine government peace panels for 11 years, Leonen said.

And now he is seeing the beginning of the realization of the Bangsamoros’ dream of self-determination.

President Aquino, who stayed up until 3 a.m. on Sunday to finish writing his speech with Interior Secretary Manuel Roxas and other Cabinet members, was no less dramatic.

Explaining the need to create Bangsamoro, Mr. Aquino said  the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was a “failed experiment.”

“Many of the people continue to feel alienated by the system, and those who feel that there is no way out will continue to articulate their grievances through the barrel of a gun. We cannot change this without structural reform,” Mr. Aquino said.

And in a statement that finally recognized the sacrifices of the Moro freedom fighters, whose self-rule aspirations date back to the 15th century, the President said:

“This agreement creates a new political entity, and it deserves a name that symbolizes and honors the struggles of our forebears in Mindanao, and celebrates the history and character of that part of our nation. That name will be Bangsamoro.”

‘Fellow citizens’

He said that as long as he was President, he would ensure that other Bangsamoro parties were brought into this process, “so that this peace can be claimed and sustained by all.”

He said his administration had “pledged to support a law that [would] truly embody the values and aspirations of the people of Bangsamoro.”

“Any proposed law resulting from this framework will be subject to ratification through a plebiscite. Once approved, there will be elections,” he added.

The President did not finish his speech without thanking Iqbal, MILF chair Murad Ebrahim,  whom he met privately in Tokyo last year, and the MILF Central Committee for recognizing “our administration’s sincerity, and our shared principles and aspirations. Together, we traversed the distance between us until we finally met in a handshake and an embrace as fellow citizens of the Philippines.”

Tired of fighting

What made the MILF junk their bid for self-rule, accepting autonomy instead of seeking a substate like it did in 2008?

As understood by Leonen’s panel, 40 years of fighting have finally caught up with the secessionist movement.

With some of their senior leaders “dying of natural causes” over the years, Murad, Iqbal, the MILF Central Committee and other Muslim elders have become “pragmatic,” seizing the moment amid the sincerity of a new President to put an end to the cycle of violence and poverty in Mindanao, Leonen said.

Hashim Salamat died in 2003 of “natural causes.” He had relinquished terrorism as an instrument of guerrilla warfare when he handed the reins of power to his deputy, Murad.

Leonen believed the MILF knew that a peace accord was a political deal.

“They know that the President has limitations, so they try to get as much as they [can],” Leonen said, explaining the sudden change of heart of the MILF and abandoning its demand that a substate be created in Mindanao.

“Iqbal says that the most civilized way for the MILF is to negotiate,” Leonen said, admitting that both panels had mutual distrust for each other at the beginning of the talks in 2011. But they conducted the negotiations in a “cordial atmosphere,” he said.

Now Iqbal and Leonen are phone pals.

MILF’s concessions

Besides the demand for self-rule in the pretext of a substate for the Moros, the MILF gave up a lot of concessions: its objections to all of these major points of contention—plebiscite, congressional imprimatur for the basic law, ARMM elections for 2013, and government say in the composition of the Transition Commission.

The MILF also reconsidered its hard-line position seeking constitutional amendments to legitimize either a parliamentary or a federal form of government.

The government panel, for its part, gave in to the MILF’s demand  that it use “Bangsamoro” to describe the new Moro homeland; recognize Bangsamoro identity to correct historical injustices; and accept the “asymmetric” relationship between the national government and the Bangsamoro.

No surrender

The government also accepted changes in the phraseology of the framework agreement such as “normalization” instead of DDR, which stands for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration, a term for postconflict peace consolidation.

“They will not accept surrender, disarmament [in the agreement], so we left it out,”  Leonen said, adding that the MILF had “dignity and pride” to preserve, as well.

But the MILF, for the first time, agreed to a “graduated program for decommissioning of its forces so that they are put beyond use,” short for phased and gradual disarmament.

In sum, he said: “They changed their positions; we conceded a lot of language.”

Originally posted at 09:14 pm | Wednesday, October 10, 2012


غيلان الدمشقي.. الثائر من أجل العدالة

غيلان الدمشقي.. الثائر من أجل العدالة | جريدة القبس

تم النشر في 2011/08/26

إعداد صالح السعيدي:

الحدث التاريخي هو نواة التاريخ وسبب قيامه، والتاريخ في صفحاته متعدد الاتجاهات، والابطال هم الذين يصنعون تاريخهم، ومثلما وجد أبطال من الملوك والأمراء والقادة والفرسان والشعراء من الرجال والنساء الذين أوفاهم التاريخ والمؤرخون حقهم ونالوا مكانتهم المميزة في الذاكرة الشعبية، وشاعت سيرهم وحفظت أخبارهم في سجلات المؤرخين وعند الخاص والعام، فان كثيرين غيرهم من المغمورين في التاريخ الذين لا يقلون عن هؤلاء بطولة وتأثيراً لم يأخذوا حقهم في الشهرة في الذاكرة الشعبية ولم تنل سيرهم وأفعالهم حظها في الذيوع، او ان انتشارها ظل محصورا في إطار مكاني محدود وفي افق معرفي ضيق.

وقد يكون مرد ذلك لعدة أسباب منها طغيان أحداث كبرى واشتهار شخصيات أخرى في زمنهم مما كانت شهرتها على حساب، أو سقوط إمكانهم ومناطقهم في دائرة الإهمال والنسيان لبعدهم عن مواطن الحضارة ومراكز المعرفة. ولا يعني ذلك أنهم مجهولون تماما فقد يكون هؤلاء المغمورون معروفين لدى أهل العلم من المتخصصين والباحثين او يكونون مشهورين في بلدانهم او طوائفهم او جماعاتهم، لكن سيرتهم لم تتجاوز الإطار الجغرافي أو الزماني الذي صنعوا أحداثه. ومن اجل هؤلاء الأبطال المغمورين في التاريخ نقدم هذه السلسلة.

هو غيلان بن مسلم الدمشقي، اختلف في اسم أبيه. عاش غيلان بدمشق التى نُسب إليها، بقرب أحد أبواب دمشق (باب الفراديس) فى زقاقٍ فقير، وكان حسبما ذكر ابن بطة العكبري قبطياً، فأسلم. درس على الحسن بن محمد بن الحنفية بن علي بن ابي طالب في المدينة، وكان من الوعاظ والكتاب والخطباء المفوهين، وكان صاحب مدرسة فقهية سميت «الغيلانية».

يروي المؤرخ البغدادي أن الحسن بن محمد بن الحنفية كان يقول عن غيلان إنه «حجة الله على أهل الشام ولكن الفتى مقتول...».

وقال عنه المؤرخ الذهبي وهو احد رموز المدرسة السلفية التقليدية «غيلان بن غيلان المقتول في القدر. ضال مسكين».

كان غيلان يقود المعارضة ضد الأمويين في الشام، وكان ينتقد الدولة الأموية وسياساتها الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والمالية، فضلا عن عقيدتها الجبرية المعادية للحرية، والتي كانت تتأسس عليها شرعيتها. وينسب إليه دور أساسي في نشر فكر تنويري واجه به إيديولوجيا الجبر الأموي وإيديولوجيا التكفير (الخوارج).

واستطاع أن يستقطب أتباعا كثيرين من مختلف الأوساط، بما في ذلك حاشية الخليفة الأموي عبد الملك بن مروان الذي كان قد اختاره مؤدبا لولده سعيد.

صراع فكري

في خضم الحرب الأهلية التي أعقبت الصراع الدموي على الخلافة وانقسام المسلمين إلى طوائف وأحزاب مختلفة كل واحدة تدعي أحقيتها في الوصول إلى السلطة، مستخدمة في سبيل ذلك كل الوسائل الممكنة، اندلع صراع فكري يستخدم الدين لتبرير المعتقدات السياسية. فقد روج الأمويون لمفهوم القضاء والقدر والإرادة الإلهية، في حين تبنى الشيعة مفاهيم الوصية والعصمة، أما الخوارج فقد واصلوا تنفيذ منهج التكفير والمقاومة المسلحة، كما ظهرت تيارات أخرى مثل الأشاعرة، القدرية، الأوائل، والمرجئة والمعتزلة.

في ذلك العصر كان الكثير من العلماء والفقهاء يشترطون «القرشية» للحكم، وكان غيلان يرفض ذلك الشرط فهي عنده ليست شرطا للإمامة، بل تصلح لغير قريش، وكل من كان قائما بكتاب الله والسنة كان مستحقا لها. وهي لا تثبت إلا بإجماع الأمة ويلتقي معه في هذا الرأي الخوارج الذين رفضوا فكرة القرشية.

وقامت الغيلانية بنشاط سياسي مهم ضد الأمويين، وفي عاصمتهم دمشق بالذات التي كان يسكنها غيلان، واستمر غيلان يحرض الناس على الاُمويين وأنصارهم في استنكار مقولتهم الجبرية، حتّى أحسّ أنّهم طلبوه، فهرب منهم.

عمر بن عبد العزيز يحاور غيلان

مع تولي الخليفة العادل عمر بن عبد العزيز طرأ تغير جوهري على العلاقة بين الدولة الأموية والجماعات المعارضة، فبعدما كان السيف هو أسلوب الحوار بين الطرفين، اتبع الخليفة العادل عمر بين عبد العزيز أسلوب الحوار والمجادلة الكلامية مع الفرق المعارضة، ولم يستثن في ذلك حتى اشد الجماعات تطرفا وهم الخوارج، الذين استقبل عمر بن عبد العزيز موفديهم وحاورهم.

فلمّا رأى غيلان من الخليفة الجديد عدلاً كتب إليه كتاباً يذكّره فيه ويعظّم عليه مقولة سَلَفه.

فاستدعى الخليفة عمر بن عبد العزيز غيلان لشيء بلغه في القدر، وقال له: يا غيلان بلغني أنك تتكلم في القدر.

قال غيلان: يُكْذَبُون عليَّ يا أمير المؤمنين، يقال عليَّ ما لا أقول.

قال: ما تقول في العلم؟

قال: نفذ العلم.

قال: أنت مخصوم، اذهب الآن فقل ما شئت. يا غيلان، إنك إن أقررت بالعلم خصمت، وإن جحدته كفرت، وإنك إن تقر به فتخصم، خير لك من أن تجحد فتكفر.

ثم قال له: أتقرأ «يس»؟ فقال: نعم.

قال: اقرأ. قال: فقرأ يس وَالْقُرْآنِ الْحَكِيمِ إلى قوله: لَقَدْ حَقَّ الْقَوْلُ عَلَى أَكْثَرِهِمْ فَهُمْ لا يُؤْمِنُونَ «يس: 1-7». قال: قف كيف ترى؟ قال: كأني لم أقرأ هذه الآية يا أمير المؤمنين. قال: زد. فقرأ: إِنا جَعَلْنَا فِي أَعْنَاقِهِمْ أَغْلاَلاً فَهِيَ إِلَى الأَذْقَانِ فَهُم مُّقْمَحُونَ وجَعَلنَا مِن بين أيديهم سدا وَمِنْ خَلْفِهِمْ سَدًّا فَأَغْشَيْنَاهُمْ فَهُمْ لاَ يُبْصِرُونَ «يس: 8-9». فقال له عمر: قل وَمِنْ خَلْفِهِمْ سَدًّا فَأَغْشَيْنَاهُمْ فَهُمْ لاَ يُبْصِرُونَ وَسَوَاء عَلَيْهِمْ أَأَنذَرْتَهُمْ أَمْ لَمْ تُنذِرْهُمْ لاَ يُؤْمِنُونَ «يس:9-10». قال: كيف ترى ؟. قال: كأني لم أقرأ هذه الآيات قط، وإني أعاهد الله أن لا أتكلم في شيء مما كنت أتكلم فيه أبداً. قال: اذهب. فلما ولىَّ قال: اللهم إن كان كاذباً بما قال فأذقه حر السلاح. قال: فلم يتكلم زمن عمر،

رد المظالم

استعان الخليفة بغيلان الدمشقي في تطبيق إصلاحاته السياسية والاقتصادية، وفي تصفية الأموال التي صادرها من أسرته الأموية وردها لبيت مال المسلمين. وعرض عليه الخليفة عمر اختيار منصبه، فطلب منه أن يتولى «بيع الخزائن ورد المظالم» وهو اختيار له مغزاه. إنه لم يختر لا الولاية ولا القضاء بل اختار وظيفة ليس فيها مكاسب وإنما رد المظالم، أي إنصاف الذين ظلمهم الولاة والقضاة.

وقام غيلان بجمع الممتلكات المنهوبة من بيت المال من يد الأمراء والوزراء والكبراء، ووضعها في مزاد عام، حيث وقف ينادي الناس ويقول: تعالوا إلى متاع الخونة تعالوا إلى متاع الظلمة، تعالوا إلى متاع من خلف الرسول في أمته بغير سنته وسيرته.

وكان فيما نادى عليه جوارب حرير فبلغ ثمنها ثلاثين ألف درهم وقد ائتكل بعضها، فقال غيلان: من يعذرني ممن يزعم أن هؤلاء كانوا أئمة هدى وهذا يئتكل والناس يموتون من الجوع...

انتقام هشام بن عبد الملك

وصلت هذه العبارات العنيفة إلى مسامع هشام بن عبد الملك (الذي سيصبح خليفة بعد وفاة عمر بن عبد العزيز وخليفته يزيد بن عبد الملك) فقال: هذا يعيبني ويعيب آبائي، والله إن ظفرت به لأقطعن يديه ورجليه.

ولسوء حظ غيلان والأمة بأكملها لم يطل عهد عمر بن عبد العزيز، فتوفي بعد عامين ونصف من حكم عادل أعاد للدولة دورها الحقيقي كضامن للعدل بين الناس.

بعد تولي هشام بن عبد الملك السلطة هرب غيلان إلى أرمينية واخذ ينشر عيوب الخليفة هشام وأخبار ظلمه وظلم بني أمية الذين يزعمون أنهم يحكمون بقضاء من الله وقدره، وأنه لا مهرب من القضاء والقدر.

فأمر الخليفة هشام بإحضار غيلان وحبسه، استعدادا لقتله. وأرسل الخليفة إلى الإمام الاوزاعي في بيروت للقدوم الى العاصمة دمشق ليناظر غيلان ويكفره.

ولما حضر الأوزاعي قال له هشام: يا أبا عمر ناظر لنا هذا القدريّ.

فقال الأوزاعي مخاطباً غيلان: اختر إن شئت ثلاث كلمات وإن شئت أربع كلمات وإن شئت واحدة.

فقال غيلان: بل ثلاث كلمات.

فقال الأوزاعي: أخبرني عن الله عزّ وجلّ هل قضى على مانهى؟

فقال غيلان : ليس عندي في هذا شيء.

فقال الأوزاعي: هذه واحدة. ثمّ قال: أخبرني عن الله عزّ وجلّ أحال دون ما أمر؟

فقال غيلان: هذه أشدّ من الأولى، ما عندي في هذا شيء.

فقال الأوزاعي: هذه اثنتان يا أمير الموٌمنين، ثمّ قال: أخبرني عن الله عزّ و جلّ هل أعان على ما حرّم؟

فقال غيلان: هذه أشدّ من الأولى والثانية، ما عندي في هذا شيء.

فقال الأوزاعي: هذه ثلاث كلمات. فأمر هشام فضربت عنقه. ثمّ إنّ هشاماً طلب من الأوزاعيّ أن يفسّر له هذه الكلمات الثلاث. فقال الأوزاعي: أمّا الأوّل فإنّ الله تعالى قضى على ما نهى، نهى آدم عن الأكل من الشجرة ثمّ قضى عليه بأكلها. أمّا الثاني فإنّ الله تعالى حال دون ما أمر، أمر إبليس بالسجود لآدم ثمّ حال بينه وبين السجود، وأمّا الثالث، فإنّ الله تعالى أعان على ما حرّم، حرّم الميتة والدم ولحم الخنزير، ثمّ أعان عليها بالاضطرار...

ويروي المؤرخ ابن عساكر، أن الخليفة قال لغيلان فى مجلس الخلافة : مُدّ يدك. فمدَّها، فضربها بالسيف فقطعها، ثم قال: مُدَّ رجلك. فقطعها بالسيف.

وبعد حين مَر به رجل والذباب على يده (المقطوعة) فقال له: يا غيلان، هذه قضاءٌ وقَدَرٌ! فقال: كذبتَ، ما هذا قضاءٌ ولا قَدَر. وصلبه على باب كيسان في دمشق لكن غيلان استمر في انتقاد الأمويين حتى وهو مصلوب فأمر هشام بقطع لسانه، فمات.